THE PARK CHUNG HEE GOVERNMENT

On 16 May 1961, led by General Park Chung Hee, a group of mid- and upper-level officers forced the resignation of President Yun and es­tablished a military government in an effort to re­store order to the political and social chaos and pull the country out of its economic malaise. Martial law was instituted, the National Assem­bly dissolved, political party politics stopped, and the first five-year economic plan created. All functions of government were taken over by the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction (chaired by General Park), which had many mil­itary and supportive civilian leaders in top posts.

Through 1963 dissatisfaction with military rule grew. The government had engineered no major breakthroughs and had seen many of its policies fail. An outcry of protest met Park's an­nouncement that military rule would be extend­ed for four additional years. In response to in­ternal and external pressures, the extension was canceled and elections for civilian leaders took place in October 1963. Running as a civil­ian candidate, Park Chung Hee barely beat the recently deposed Yun Po-son. He narrowly won -again over Yun-in 1967. Over vocal oppo­sition from minority party members, a 1969 con­stitutional amendment allowed the president to run for a third four-year term, and in 1971 he squeaked by the new opposition leader, Kim Dae Jung. Realizing that he was losing control over the currents of Korean society, Park pushed for extensive revisions of the constitution. The Yushin Constitution was ratified in 1972 and Park Chung Hee was once again reelected. Among other powers, the revised constitution gave the president unlimited six-year terms of of­fice, the ability to rule by executive order, and the right to appoint one-third of the membership of the National Assembly. The Yushin Constitu­tion went into effect over loud cries of dissent.

Martial law was declared and an executive de­cree made it illegal to criticize the president or his policies.

To its credit, the Park regime brought about considerable changes in Korean society, in­cluding rapid economic advancement. Big busi­ness became the bedfellow of government. (Small businesses grew at a much slower pace.) Broadening its economic base, Korea moved from agriculture into heavy industry and chem­icals. The new export-oriented economy relied upon a constant flow of imported raw materials to produce exportable products. At first, most of the fruits of production went abroad to gain needed revenue. By the late '70s, though, qual­ity items began appearing on the Korean market, coinciding with a rise in the standard of living.

The military grew, and with the perceived in­creasing threat from North Korea, a homeland reserve force was instituted in 1968. Diplomat­ic efforts led to improved international relations and more involvement in Asian affairs. By the mid-1960s, Korea had about 50,000 troops in Vietnam-and were some of the most feared of foreign troops-to fight on behalf of the south­ern half. In 1965, Korea renewed diplomatic re­lations with Japan, which had been cut since

the end of WW II. Although protested by stu­dents, this was a healing of wounds and an op­

portunity to get much-needed financial aid to fuel the growing economy, the latter a key factor to the viability of the regime and its acceptance by the people.

The Saemaul ("New Village") program was instituted in 1971 as a self-help program for farmers. Although seen by some as a tool for government indoctrination, it did bring many benefits to the rural poor. The program later spread to fishing communities and then to urban areas. Due to various reforms, Korea became virtually self-sufficient in food production by the mid-'70s. Throughout the '60s and '70s, a reawakening of cultural activities was helped along by broadening mass communication and education.

With many of these advances, however, came the sacrifice of traditional values and a bit of the Korean "soul." With the emphasis on the coun­try's overall improvement, the average citizen was often neglected. Human rights and civil lib­erties suffered, and dissent was squelched. Education and the media were heavily influenced and even censored by the government.

Even with the dissatisfaction in some sec­tors of society, if President Park had stepped down after his second term he would have been revered today as a farsighted national hero who helped bring economic vitality to the country, and its politics from chaos to the' beginnings of democratic enlightenment. However, he did not step down. His last terms in office, and the ef­fects of the Yushin Constitution, turned many Koreans against him, diminished his credibility drastically, and led to his untimely demise.

In 1968 and 1975, assassination attempts against Park by North Korean agents failed; in the latter his wife was killed. These incidents helped push President Park into seclusion. He ran again in 1978 and won. Students again took to the streets, while other segments of society were feeling fed up as well. There was grow­ing sentiment that some drastic change had to

occur before the glimmer of democratic process was snuffed. The country no longer had an un­sophisticated populace, and voices grumbling for change became numerous. Change came un­expectedly. On 26 October 1979, President Park was shot and killed by his trusted associate Kim Chae-kyu, head of the Korean CIA.

Year of Turmoil and Transition

Following Park's assassination, Vice President Ch'oe Kyu-ha became acting president-and was later elected president. Great uncertainty marked the year of 1980. People from all sectors of society called for the institution of a real democracy. The economy, however, flagged because of the tumultuous political situation, and the military feared trouble from North Korea. In addition, the lack of dynamic leadership failed to redirect the country. Korea faltered. The econ­omy spiraled down, demonstrations increased, and martial law was declared again. All political activity was banned, the National Assembly dis­solved, universities were closed, labor strikes declared illegal, and major political leaders (Kim Chong-p'iI, Kim Dae Jung, Kim Young-sam) ar­rested for corruption or sedition, or placed under house arrest.

In response to this crackdown, demonstra­tions mushroomed. The most serious took place

during May 1980 in Kwangju .